IFEX – Ngày Quốc Tế chấm dứt tình trạng tội ác không bị trừng phạt – INTERNATIONAL DAY TO END IMPUNITY

IFEX – Mỗi ngày, từ ngày 01-23 tháng 11, chúng tôi sẽ tiết lộ một cá nhân đã bị đe dọa, tấn công hoặc tệ hơn nữa vì đã bày tỏ chính kiến. Trong tất cả các trường hợp, thủ phạm vẫn được tự do. Hãy đọc câu chuyện của họ. Hãy hành động. Trợ giúp để chấm dứt tình trạng những hành vi tội ác đã không bị trừng phạt. 
ới mạng lưới bao gồm 90 thành viên hội đoàn độc lập khắp thế giới, IFEX (International Freedom of Expression Exchange network) đã tiến hành cuộc vận động “Ngày Quốc Tế chấm dứt tình trạng tội ác không bị trừng phạt”. Người Việt Nam được đề cập đến trong chiến dịch này là blogger Nguyễn Hoàng Vi.
Nguyễn Hoàng Vi (Blogger, Việt Nam)

Trong mùa hè này, khi Nguyễn Hoàng Vi (bút danh An Đỗ Nguyên), 25 tuổi, dự một bữa tiệc sinh tổ chức cho các bạn bè blogger tại Tp. Hồ Chí Minh, một nhóm người được nghi ngờ là mật vụ của nhà nước đã đột nhập vào, chụp hình và nghe ngóng các cuộc đối thoại. Các blogger vẫn bình tĩnh – việc công an mật vụ giám sát các hoạt động của họ được xem là một chuyện bình thường.

Nhưng khi Nguyễn Hoàng Vi và bốn người khác rời buổi tiệc bằng xe hơi, họ đã bị bám theo bởi 8 an ninh, và đập vỡ hai cửa sổ phía sau của xe. Vi là người bị những thương tích nghiêm trọng nhất, với vết cắt trên cánh tay, chân và mặt.
Nguyễn Hoàng Vi tin rằng nhà nước cố tìm cách để bịt miệng cô kể từ khi cô bắt đầu viết blog nghiêm túc về các vấn đề xã hội, thu thập tin tức về các sự kiện chung như các cuộc biểu tình chống Trung Quốc và một chiến dịch đàn áp tự do ngôn luận.
Khi bắt Vi nhằm ngăn cản việc cô đi thu thập thông tin về một cuộc biểu tình chống Trung Quốc vào tháng 6 năm 2011, an ninh đã đóng đô bên ngoài nhà của cô để theo dõi mỗi bước di chuyển của cô và con trai. Đến giờ họ vẫn chưa rời đi.
Vào tháng 10 năm 2011, an ninh theo dõi Vi đang lái xe gắn máy và đã gây ra tai nạn đối với cô làm cô mất bảy cái răng. Cô nói rằng cô không còn di chuyển bằng xe máy vì sợ một “tai nạn” khác sẽ xảy ra.
Nguyễn Hoàng Vi bị đuổi việc vào tháng 12 năm 2011 do áp lực từ các quan chức chính phủ. Vào tháng 4 năm 2012 khi trên đường sang Campuchia tìm kiếm việc làm, cô đã bị hải quan biên phòng chận lại và cáo buộc cô là “thành phần phản động”. Sau đó, họ đã tịch thu hộ chiếu của cô và cô không thể đi ra khỏi nước. 
Không có một biến cố nào xảy ra đã được điều tra – có lẽ không có gì ngạc nhiên, nếu xem xét quá trình đàn áp các blogger của Việt Nam. Chỉ vào tháng Chín này, các nhà lãnh đạo của Việt Nam đã ra lệnh công an bắt giữ những người chịu trách nhiệm cho các blog chống chính phủ, và ba blogger đã bị kết án đến 12 năm tù về tội tuyên truyền chống nhà nước.
Hãy cùng đứng với Nguyễn Hoàng Vi và bảo vệ tự do ngôn luận.
Đặc biệt cảm ơn Liên Minh Báo chí Đông Nam Á (SEAPA), Câu lạc bộ Nhà Báo Tự Do (FJNV) và Danlambao góp phần cho chiến dịch hành động này.
*

23 actions in 23 days: 18 NOVEMBER 2012
Nguyen Hoang Vi (Blogger, Vietnam) 
While 25-year-old Nguyen Hoang Vi (pen name An Do Nguyen) was at a birthday party in Ho Chi Minh this summer for her fellow bloggers, a group of 20 suspected state agents dropped in and started snapping pictures and listening in on conversations. The bloggers remained calm – state agents monitoring their activities was a normal affair. 
But when Nguyen and four others left the party by car, they were followed by eight agents, who smashed two of the rear windows. Nguyen suffered the most serious injuries, with cuts on her arms, legs and face
Nguyen believes the state is out to silence her since she started blogging critically about social issues and gathering news of public events such as anti-China protests and a clampdown on free expression. 
When she was arrested to prevent her from reporting on an anti-China protest in June 2011, security agents set up camp outside her home to watch her and her son’s every move. They still haven’t left. 
In October 2011, a state agent followed her on her motorbike and caused an accident, in which she lost seven teeth. She says she no longer travels by motorbike fearing another “accident”. 
She was laid off from her job in December 2011 due to pressure from government officials. In April 2012 on her way to Cambodia in search of work, she was stopped by border guards who prevented her from travelling, allegedly for being a “reactionary element”. After that, her passport was confiscated and she can’t travel abroad. 
Not a single incident was investigated – perhaps no surprise, considering Vietnam’s history of cracking down on bloggers. Just this September, Vietnam’s leaders ordered police to arrest those responsible for anti-government blogs, and three bloggers were sentenced to up to 12 years in jail on anti-state propaganda charges. 
Stand with Nguyen Hoang Vi and defend free expression. 
A special thank you to the Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), Free Journalists Network of Vietnam (FJNV) and Danlambao for contributing to this action.

IFEX- CẢNH BÁO CÁC NHÀ BẤT ĐỒNG CHÍNH KIẾN ĐƯỢC “GUARDIAN” ĐỀ CẬP TRONG BÀI BÁO ĐÃ ĐÀO THOÁT KHỎI ĐẤT NƯỚC TRƯỚC SỰ TRUY BẮT CỦA NHÀ CẦM QUYỀN HÀ NỘI

27 October 2011
ALERT -Dissidents mentioned in “Guardian” article flee country
ExileNguyen Thu Tram, Activist
(ARTICLE 19/IFEX) – Hanoi, 27.10.2011 – Two Vietnamese dissidents – Nguyen Thu Tram and Nguyen Ngoc Quang – are under threat after collaborating with UK newspaper the Guardian on a story about the harassment of pro-democracy activists. Both have now fled the country for fear of reprisals. Dustin Roasa, the journalist who authored the article, was detained upon his recent return to Vietnam and was denied entry for ‘security reasons.’
Nguyen Thu Tram and Nguyen Ngoc Quang were quoted in the newspaper’s article titled “Vietnam cracks down on online critics ahead of Communist congress,” published in January 2011, in which they revealed the severe measures taken by the government to maintain control over public opinion.

“Nguyen Thu Tram and Nguyen Ngoc Quang are part of a greater movement in Vietnam, whereby people are becoming increasingly vocal in challenging the authority of the government. Crackdowns on freedom of expression and police abductions are becoming more routine. The Vietnamese government must stop the use of heavy-handed intimidation tactics and vague national security laws to silence free speech and political opposition,” said Dr Agnès Callamard, ARTICLE 19 Executive Director.

In speaking with a foreign journalist, the dissidents placed both themselves and their families, some of whom have fled as well, under threat of reprisals. Nguyen Ngoc Quang was granted refugee status by the UN and Nguyen Ngoc Quang’s case is still being processed.

The Vietnamese government has responded to the growing citizen movement which is taking root in the country by detaining numerous bloggers and writers for “propaganda against the Socialist state” under Article 88 of the Vietnamese Penal Code or on subversion charges using Article 79.

Several bloggers have recently been arrested, many of whom have trials which are currently pending. These include: Ho Duc Hoa, Dang Xuan Dieu, Paulus Le Son, Nguyen Van Duyet, Nong Hung Anh, and Ta Phong Tan, who are active contributors to prominent citizen journalist sites.

The case of online activist, human rights defender and lecturer Pham Minh Hoang, who was sentenced on August 10 2011 to three years in prison and an additional three years under house arrest, is a cause for concern for ARTICLE 19, who, along with 9 other free speech groups, petitioned the Vietnamese government for his release earlier this month. The trial date for his appeal is still unknown.
SOURCE:ARTICLE 19
Free Word Centre
60 Farringdon Road
London
EC1R 3GA
United Kingdom
info (@) article19.org
Phone:  +44 20 7324 2517
Fax: +44 20 7490 0566

http://www.ifex.org/vietnam/2011/10/27/dissidents_flee/

Activists use blogs and social networking sites to highlight human rights abuses and corruption
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Dustin Roasa in Ho Chi Minh City
The Guardian, Monday 10 January 2011 18.53 GMT

A boom in Vietnam has led to forecasts that it will become the world’s 14th biggest economy. Photograph: Richard Vogel/AP

At a trendy cafe in the smart Saigon Centre shopping mall, a place where the nouveau riche go to see and be seen, Nguyen Ngoc Quang recalls the moment he fell foul of the darker side of Vietnam‘s much-lauded economic miracle. Men hired by the security police, he says, knocked him to the ground and drove over him with a motorbike. The message to the political dissident and online activist was blunt: stop or else.

But the former designer, 49, whose face is scarred from the September attack, is unbowed. “I won’t back down,” he said. “The government is trying to stop us because we are telling the truth. The people have been lied to for so many years.”

Nguyen, who recently completed a three-year jail sentence for dissent, is part of a growing, vocal group of Vietnamese who are challenging the authority of the Communist party, which has ruled the country since reunification in 1975 and does not permit political opposition. On blogs and social networking sites, activists have attracted a growing audience by writing about human rights abuses, corruption and restrictions on speech.

But as the authorities prepare for tomorrow’s Communist party national congress, a decisive planning session that will set the country’s course and leadership for the next five years, the government has sought to reassert its authority by cracking down on critics such as Nguyen. In the past year, dozens of dissidents have been arrested and imprisoned, and numerous others have been harassed and monitored by the police. In a confidential diplomatic cable from its embassy in Hanoi, the US ambassador last year spoke of “the excessive use of violence” in putting down one protest, which he said was “troublesome and indicative of a larger GVN (government of Vietnam) crackdown on human rights in the runup to the January 2011 party congress.”

As the leadership prepares to address a number of domestic concerns at the congress, including a poorly performing economy and public criticism of Vietnam’s growing economic ties with its traditional rival China, tensions have risen. On Wednesday, police in the central city of Hue roughed up an American diplomat who was attempting to visit Nguyen Van Ly, a dissident Catholic priest who is under house arrest after being released from prison for health reasons. The authorities are also blocking Facebook, a key networking tool for activists, and this reporter was followed by plainclothes police in meetings with activists around Ho Chi Minh City.

“The Communist party wants to silence any criticism or unrest before its most important meeting,” said Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “Crackdowns on peaceful government critics are nothing new in Vietnam, but right now we are seeing a dramatic spike in repression.”

Reviving faith in Vietnam’s economy, which has begun to falter after years of growth, will be high on the party’s agenda. Last week, a report by PwC predicted that Vietnam would be the world’s 14th biggest economy by 2050, a giddy ascent for a country that experienced near-famine as recently as the mid-1980s. Evidence of this economic miracle is everywhere in Ho Chi Minh City, with its skyscrapers, including the 68-storey Bitexco Tower that was opened in October, and boulevards clogged with motorbikes and cars.

The turnaround owes much to Vietnam’s Doi Moi policy of change and renovation, launched in the 1990s, which gradually deregulated the economy while maintaining strict political control, much as has happened in China.

But the problems are mounting. Double-digit inflation is disproportionately affecting the poor. Rapid development has evicted farmers from their land. There have been a growing number of strikes in the country’s export-driven factories and worries about industrial pollution.

And despite the leadership’s public commitments to accelerate reform of the centrally planned economy, the state-run sector continues to receive significant subsidies despite poor performance.

Vinashin, a shipbuilder that is one of the largest state-run entities in the country, has come to epitomise government mismanagement of the economy. The company is on the verge of bankruptcy with debts of $4.5bn (£2.9bn), but the government is keeping it afloat.

“The Vinashin case shows that economic growth is mostly benefitting the authorities and those with connections. Most citizens aren’t seeing the benefits. Prices are increasing and people are losing jobs,” said Le Tran Luat, 42, a lawyer who writes about human rights and defends dissidents in court.

The week-long congress is expected to be dominated by internal party rivalries as two competing factions jostle for control of the leadership, according to Carl Thayer, a Vietnam expert at the Australian Defence Force Academy. Party conservatives, who look to China as a model, fear the continued liberalisation of the country and are probably directing the crackdown against dissidents as a warning to party reformers, Thayer said. The prime minister, Nguyen Tan Dung, the country’s most powerful politician, is likely to be granted another five-year term.

In 2008, the Vietnamese government granted a land concession to a Chinese firm for a multibillion-dollar bauxite mine in central Vietnam. Pro-democracy activists attracted unprecedented support among urban elites and within the party – including independence hero General Vo Nguyen Giap – with criticism of the mine and China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, which contains potentially resource-rich islands claimed by both countries.

The United States, which under the Obama administration has sought to reassert itself in south-east Asia as a regional counterweight to China, sensed an opportunity. Secretary of state Hillary Clinton visited Hanoi twice in 2010, and during her visit in July she said the US had a “national interest” in freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.

Communist party conservatives, backed into a corner by the furore over the China issue, have sought to silence the debate by blocking and hacking websites and arresting anti-China bloggers.

Despite these hazards, urban intellectuals are continuing to join the ranks of the activists. Nguyen Thu Tram, 33, recently became involved in the Club of Free Journalists, a loose collection of amateur reporters who post stories about everyday injustices in their cities and offer an alternative to the heavily censored state-run press. Nguyen had to separate herself from her family out of fear of endangering them, and she says she is regularly interrogated by the security police.

“I insist on going out and talking to people, and reporting on what is happening in their lives,” she said. “But using the internet is not a safe thing to do in Vietnam. Sometimes I feel that half of my body is already in jail.”

Inside the Vietnamese government

Vietnam gets its name from the indigenous ethnic group while its language borrows heavily from Cantonese. But its politics come directly from the Marxist-Leninist textbook. The country is ruled by a 15-member politburo, at least six of whom are likely to be replaced at this congress, according to US diplomats. The real power lies with three men: the party general secretary, Nong Duc Manh, the state president, Nguyen Minh Triet, and the prime minister, Nguyen Tan Dung (below).

Manh is due to retire, and US cables predict that Dung and politburo member Truong Tan Sang are best placed to take over as general secretary. If Dung does not get the job, he is likely to remain prime minister. Both are southerners and were party secretaries in Ho Chi Minh City. Neither man is seen as a champion of political reform in the manner of late prime minister Vo Van Kiet. The dark horse candidate is To Huy Rua, a hardliner who runs the ideology and education commission.

A secretariat led by Truong Tan Sang looks after day-to-day policy implementation. The central military commission, which is composed of select politburo members and additional military leaders, determines military policy. The national assembly is the highest representative body of the people and the only organisation with legislative powers. Once seen as little more than a rubber stamp, the assembly has become more assertive in exercising its authority over legislation. However, it remains subject to the party and more than 90% of the deputies are party members. The 11th party congress will vote in a central committee of about 150 members, which will in turn elect the politburo.

Monday 10 January 2011
 

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